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It is perhaps a message that is easier to sell. The most divisive and polarising political brand in the country’s history has appropriated the message of unity and hope,” says Teehankee. “That’s one of the greatest ironies in this year’s election. Marcos Jr, whose slogan is “together we shall rise again”, has stuck to a simple campaign message of unity and rekindling a former greatness. He has been criticised for failing to attend presidential debates, and for dodging awkward media questions, including over his failure to pay a tax bill that, according to local reports, could amount to more than £3.1bn.
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“Despite the various criticisms against BBM, like thief, he doesn’t fight back,” she says, using the now popular abbreviation for Bongbong Marcos. Supporters of Ferdinand Marcos Jr cheer during a campaign rally in San Fernando, Pampanga province, Philippines. Observers say the failure of the Philippine education system to properly discuss the reality of the Marcos rule has created a gap in public knowledge, especially among younger generations, which the Marcos Jr’s camp has exploited. Duterte’s daughter Sara is Marcos Jr’s running mate. Marcos survivors were appalled and warned history was being whitewashed. In 2016, Marcos Sr was given a hero’s burial with military honours on the recommendation of President Rodrigo Duterte. The family began to re-establish their position in politics and cement allegiances. “The society elites, the circles, embraced them and treated them as celebrities.” Instead, the Marcoses were given a warm reception by the powerful, says Teehankee. “Our democratic transition did not go through a process of transitional justice – unlike other countries that went through political or civil strife,” says Julio Teehankee, professor of political science and international studies at De La Salle University in Manila. Marcos Sr died in1989, but the rest of the family was allowed to return to the Philippines in the 1990s and it has been slowly rebranding itself ever since. Human rights violations were rife during the nine-year period of martial law: 3,240 people were killed, while tens of thousands more were tortured and imprisoned, according to Amnesty International.įerdinand Marcos Sr, and his wife, Imelda, watch as university students undergo compulsory military training in Manila in 1985. She worries about political instability, or a repeat of martial law, which was imposed by Marcos Sr in 1972. But she lowers her voice when she speaks of Marcos Jr: “ is really questionable, he has questionable integrity.” “She is good-hearted, she has a lot of accomplishments,” Loyola says of Robredo. Josie Loyola, 70, who sits outside her house in the morning sunshine, smiles as she spots the campaigners passing by. In Sampaloc, a deprived district of Manila, some residents are receptive. In an election where online misinformation is rife, her supporters have launched a door-to-door effort that is unusual in its scale. Robredo, a human rights lawyer who has advocated for disadvantaged groups and is the current vice-president, is trailing second in the polls by a significant margin. Leni Robredo and her army of nearly 2 million volunteers, known as Kakampinks (pink allies), are trying to stop Macros Jr. There are just days left until more than 67 million Filipinos vote for their next president in a highly contentious election.įerdinand Marcos Jr, known as “Bongbong” or BBM and the son of the former dictator Ferdinand Marcos, is leading in opinion polls – despite his late father’s notorious history of corruption and rights abuses.
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Kakampinks (pink allies), as Leni Robredo’s supporters are known, take part in a rally in Metro Manila in March.